Africa Insight https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai <p><em>Africa Insight </em>is a quarterly, peer-reviewed journal of the Africa Institute of South Africa. It is accredited by the South African National Department of Higher Education and Training (DHET) and is indexed in the International Bibliography of Social Science (IBSS). It is a multi-disciplinary journal primarily focusing on African Affairs.</p> Africa Institute of South Africa en-US Africa Insight 0256-2804 Copyright for articles published in this journal is retained by the journal. Democracy or Moneyocracy? Perspective on vote buying and electoral integrity in Nigeria’s recent elections https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/202416 <p>Although the practice of vote buying is not fundamentally new to Nigeria’s electoral politics, the phenomenon has assumed a worrisome dimension, going by experiences in off-cycle elections conducted in the Ekiti, Anambra, Ondo, Osun and Edo states as well as the 2019 general elections. The paper examines the practice of vote buying and its implications for electoral integrity in Nigeria. It problematises the practice of vote buying, locating it within the character of the post-colonial Nigerian state and the premium it places on state power. The paper contends that flagrant sharing of money, food and valuables among the voters by political contestants and party agents during elections qualifies Nigeria as a moneyocracy or ‘cash-and-carry’ democracy. It concludes that the practice of vote buying constitutes a grave threat, not only to the electoral process but also to the survival of democracy in Nigeria. The paper proffers recommendations for combating the scourge of vote buying.</p> Freedom Chukwudi Onuoha Joachim Cjukwuma Okafor Copyright (c) 2020-03-31 2020-03-31 49 4 1 14 Are anti-corruption mechanisms working in developing countries? Challenges and lessons from Malawi’s public bureaucracy https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/202417 <p>Malawi’s political transition from single-party rule to a multi-party dispensation in 1994 gave hope to the fight against corruption in the public bureaucracy. However, the plunder of public resources by high-profile public officials amidst the establishment of anti-corruption initiatives raises questions about the efficacy of mechanisms for combating corruption in Malawi. Therefore, this paper examines the mechanisms established to fight corrupt practices and the factors contributing to the persistence of corruption in Malawi’s public bureaucracy. The study reveals that Malawi’s public bureaucracy is characterised by weak policy and legal frameworks as well as inadequate institutional capacity, inadequate resources and serious administrative inefficiencies. The fight against corruption requires a multi-pronged strategy and effective coordination of the multiple interests, which include enforcement of ethics, capacity building, promotion of accountability and active involvement of the citizens in governance.</p> Mustafa Kennedy Hussein Copyright (c) 2020-03-31 2020-03-31 49 4 15 27 Climate change, the Fourth Industrial Revolution and sustainable development in Africa https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/202418 <p>As climate change continues to impact the earth, the world will become less stable ecologically and populations will become increasingly vulnerable. Despite greater material output, people in emerging economies, in particular, will become more vulnerable than they are today, unless innovative approaches are considered. Approaches in developing climate change adaptation and mitigation strategies should draw on fourth industrial revolution technologies. Collective intelligence provides an avenue for crowdsourcing ideas on potential solutions, whereas computer simulations and artificial intelligence can also advance sustainable development in vulnerable spaces. It is further suggested that big data should inform financial progress and sustainability at country level. Cities experiencing similar vulnerabilities should also be urged to share best practices among them. Furthermore, a fundamental change in society’s collective ecosophical metaphors should be sought.</p> Monika dos Santos Copyright (c) 2020-03-31 2020-03-31 49 4 28 38 Amnesty for Boko Haram members https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/202419 <p>The Boko Haram insurgent group terrorised Nigeria for a decade spanning 2009 to 2019. While the group’s terrorist activities have dwindled since 2014/2015 as a result of successes by Nigerian military forces, talk of granting amnesty similar to that granted militants in the Niger Delta region has grown and is likely to happen soon. This paper aims to draw lessons from experiences of the Presidential Amnesty Programme (PAP) implemented in the Niger Delta region in 2009. Taking its cue from PAP, the paper recommends that reintegration of the ex-combatants should be given priority over disarmament and demobilisation in the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) process. Furthermore, incentivising Boko Haram members with pecuniary motivation to accept the amnesty offer should be avoided – as should any other excessive overtures to combatants rather than the civilians who have fallen victim to their attacks. Above all, the root causes and context of the insurgency in North-East Nigeria must also be addressed. Unless the government address these root causes, efforts to bring peace to the North-East will only amount to a cosmetic solution.</p> Saheed Babajide Owonikoko Copyright (c) 2020-03-31 2020-03-31 49 4 39 54 Land acquisitions and relocations of the Shangane in Zimbabwe https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/202420 <p>This article examines how livelihood patterns of the minority Shangane ethnic group in Zimbabwe have been changing since the colonial period as the result of land dispossession and their later relocation during the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP). The article notes that while literature on land and land reform in Zimbabwe abounds, there is very limited academic scholarship on the land experiences of the Shangane people, and thus the article seeks to bridge this knowledge gap. Drawing its conceptual underpinnings from the ‘transformative social policy’ framework, the article uses oral histories, secondary literature, and in-depth interviews with smallholder FTLRP beneficiaries to empirically illustrate the livelihood changes over the long duration. The article concludes that while other land displacements and relocations since the colonial period had a disastrous impact on livelihoods, the FTLRP holds eclectic and optimistic results.</p> Emmanuel Ndhlovu Copyright (c) 2020-03-31 2020-03-31 49 4 55 70 Promoting sustainable and inclusive trade by exploring untapped intra-regional trade opportunities in Africa https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/202421 <p>Greater regional trade integration has been a policy priority in Africa for many years, yet intra-regional trade on the continent remains very low by world standards. Enhanced trade has the potential to drive Africa’s development through greater productivity, industrialisation, innovation and job creation. However, the continent faces many obstacles in its trade efforts, including high trade cost, poor infrastructure and insufficient market information. If Africa does not address its fundamental problems head-on, the chances of meaningful development and stronger regional integration are slim. This study explores the constraints that may impede trade in untapped intra-regional trade opportunities among the member countries of the Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA), identified using international market selection techniques, notably the decision support model (DSM), as well as competitiveness analysis tools. The results show that nearly a quarter of the untapped trade opportunities cannot be attributed to<br>any of the trade barriers investigated, indicating that there is a lack of information on trade opportunities in the region. The study also proposes specific actions that policymakers could take based on the results. Key recommendations include disseminating information on intraregional trade opportunities to key stakeholders, renegotiating tariffs that hinder cross-border trade and the realisation of intra-regional trade potential, and driving the ongoing collection of information on non-tariff measures.</p> Lorainne Ferreira Ernie Steenkamp Copyright (c) 2020-03-31 2020-03-31 49 4 72 87 Public reaction to federal government’s farmer-herder conflicts through the Ruga Policy https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/202422 <p>Africa, like other developing continents, is entangled in one form of conflict or the other. To be specific, in Nigeria, one of the recent conflicts that has received attention and claimed lives, property and livelihoods is the herder-farmer conflict. The Nigerian Government has introduced several strategies and policies, yet they have all encountered a brick wall. This study examines the uproar that led to termination of the Rural Grazing Area (RUGA) policy. A qualitative research method was adopted, involving literature review, media reports and interviews. Recommendations were made based on the findings.</p> Abiodun Afolab Olasupo Thompson Oluniyi Ademola Onyekwere Nwaorgu Adenike Onifade Copyright (c) 2020-03-31 2020-03-31 49 4 88 103 Africa https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/202423 <p>Through sourcing data from documentary sources and adopting descriptive and historical methods of data analysis, this article undertakes to determine a prognosis for the prospect of further mutation in Africa’s political map after South Sudan, against the backdrop of recent waves of secessionist movements on the continent. It argues that while the exceptional trajectory of South Sudan’s independence might continue to embolden existing secessionist groups and would-be secessionist groups across Africa, given that the emotive idea of selfdetermination would not disappear, it is not likely to open a floodgate of secession states. It concludes that as long as the forces and conditions that drove the 1964 Cairo Declaration are still alive and formidable, coupled with the fact that the majority of contemporary secessionist movements are unable to pose credible threats to the status quo, the prospects of another South Sudan in Africa in the foreseeable future are slim.</p> Adeniyi S Basiru Olusesan A. Osunkoya Taiwo S. Omolokun Copyright (c) 2020-03-31 2020-03-31 49 4 104 117 An African analysis based on ethics of ubuntu https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/202424 <p>The patent system is intended to create an incentive for the patent holder to ensure that the knowledge emanating from these patents is shared. However, the same system can be used to block or shut down research and possibly related clinical benefits that may help alleviate human suffering, by a refusal to allow certain kinds of technologies or their products to be patented such as human Embryonic Stem Cell (hESC) patents. Such a refusal could be detrimental to underdeveloped countries, especially within Africa. Du Toit explains how Africans view technology, namely that ‘in Africa, technology still has a human face’. As a result, technology must be integrated with people’s beliefs, customs, values, and social life. Moreover, it must be demonstrably able to improve lives significantly. For this to be possible the patent regime must be governed by democratic laws and moral principle(s) that will form laws and rules of law in human affairs. A more obvious principle in Africa is Ubuntu, an African philosophical notion which is not just a philosophy to Africans, but a way of life ‘[unique..] in its substance, methods and ethical worldview’v. Far from being merely a regional moral notion, Ubuntu may be applied as a global principle for bioethics by embracing its underlying values. Therefore, in this work, I discuss Ubuntu and its values- particularly that of harmony- and how it may be applied to the question of the morality of hESC patents.</p> Fikile M. Mnisi Copyright (c) 2020-03-31 2020-03-31 49 4 118 135 The 2018 harmonised elections in Zimbabwe https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/202425 <p>This study addresses why failure by the Zimbabwean Government to implement preelection reforms (arising from 2013) subsequently resulted in post-election violence in 2018. Outstanding electoral reforms, such as the lack of media reform; impartiality of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC); diaspora vote; unfair voter registration process; and security sector reform (SSR) adversely affected the outcome of the 2018 election. These issues have affected electoral democracy in Zimbabwe. Historically they have impacted the quality and acceptability of elections in the country and often resulted in election-related conflict, as was the case on 1 August 2018. In the light of the acceptance of election results in Zimbabwe, where elections usually end in avoidable conflicts, calls by opposition parties and civil societies for electoral reforms are essential before the 2023 election. This concludes that the lack of electoral reform, unless resolved, will continue to cause election-related violence. The paper is based<br>on both primary and secondary sources, as well as informal interactions with academic colleagues resident in Zimbabwe, who have experience of political transformation since the 2017 coup and the 2018 election violence.</p> Tinashe Sithole Copyright (c) 2020-03-31 2020-03-31 49 4 136 152 Book review https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/202426 <p>No abstract.</p> Theresa Moyo Copyright (c) 2020-03-31 2020-03-31 49 4 153 159