African Journal of International Affairs <p><em>La Revue africaine des affaires internationales</em> est une publication du CODESRIA. Elle offre une tribune pour l'analyse des questions contemporaines concernant les affaires internationales africaines, en relation avec les événements mondiaux qui ont des répercussions sur le continent. La Revue sollicite des contributions, en anglais et en français, aussi bien d' universitaires africains que d'universitaires d'autres continents travaillant sur l'Afrique. The <em>African Journal of International Affairs</em> (AJIA) is a bi-annual publication of CODESRIA, Dakar, Senegal. It offers a platform for analyses on contemporary issues in African International Affairs in relation to global developments as they affect Africa. AJIA welcomes contributions in English and in French from both African scholars and scholars working everywhere on Africa. We believe this journal to be no longer publishing.</p><p>Other websites related to this journal: <a title="〈=fr" href=";lang=fr" target="_blank">〈=fr</a></p> CODESRIA en-US African Journal of International Affairs 0850-7902 Copyright for articles published in this journal is retained by the journal. The Niger Delta Crisis: A Focus on Post-Amnesty Militancy and National Security <p>The government-sponsored Amnesty Programme for militants disrupting oil production in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria has resulted in relative peace in the area. Consequently, Nigeria’s oil production which dropped from 2.6 million barrels a day to about 1 million at the peak of the Niger Delta crisis between 2006 and 2009 has now risen to 2.1 million barrels daily. But recent events have raised doubts as to whether Amnesty Programme can tame the monster of militancy in the Niger Delta. This is because post-amnesty militancy has assumed even more frightening dimensions. The twist in the current wave of militancy, which now extends the battle outside the creeks, going upland and sometimes to the seats of government, portends a larger threat to the nation’s security. This article submits that the olive branch, which the Amnesty Programme presents, would not sufficiently assuage the restive minds in the region. This is because anything short of owner-control or at least owner-participation in the management of the resources of the Niger Delta region would remain mere palliatives.</p><p><strong>Key Words:</strong> environmental issues, resource management, amnesty, militancy, national security.</p> OC Ojione Copyright (c) 2014-01-14 2014-01-14 13 1-3 1 14 10.4314/ajia.v13i1-3. The Complex Roots of the Second Eritrea- Ethiopia War: Re-examining the Causes <p>The article highlights some of the embedded plausible causes of the war that are quite often glossed over. It argues that at the centre of the conflict stand different perceptions of history, identity, as well as claims and counterclaims of state rights, decolonisation process, and nation-state formation. Beyond the minor border skirmishes of May 1998, the contested interpretation of history and identity formation, and the concomitant search for a separate identity and sovereignty, on one hand, and denial of that separate identity and sovereignty, on the other, explain the Eritrea-Ethiopia conflict. In that sense the Eritrea-Ethiopia conflict will be found to revolve around the status of Eritrean independence. Moreover two sets of the conflict – Tigray-Eritrea and Ethiopia-Eritrea – have further complicated the search for settlement of the conflict. The first step towards finding a lasting solution that would normalise relations between the two countries would be Ethiopia’s definitive and unconditional recognition and acceptance of separate Eritrean identity and sovereignty, including its colonial boundaries. Both the people of Tigray, and Ethiopia as a whole, need to accept this reality. Secondly, Ethiopia’s legitimate interest should be addressed in a manner that will not undermine Eritrea’s sovereignty. Only then will Ethiopia’s need to have access to the sea find lasting and amicable solution acceptable to both sides.</p><p><strong>Key Words</strong>: Eritrea, Ethiopia, EPLF, TPLF, war, history, identity, sovereignty</p> R Bereketeab Copyright (c) 2014-01-14 2014-01-14 13 1-3 15 60 10.4314/ajia.v13i1-3. Nigeria-China Economic Relations Under the South-South Cooperation <p>The defining characteristic of the South-South solidarity is cooperation among the member countries of the South. The original vision was for member countries to promote trade as well as to demonstrate, through practical examples, how commercially viable projects can be implemented using the technology, experience and capital from the South. Regrettably, these dreams still remain unfulfilled. The experience gained by the developing countries after several years of bilateral interaction with the North underscores the idea that South-South trade should be symmetrical. However the most discernible pattern in the South-South relationship is still asymmetrical. A case in point is the Nigeria-China relations which appear to be in great disequilibrium and to China’s advantage.<br />As the bilateral relations have progressed from cultural linkages to intense economic penetration of the Nigerian economy, observers of Nigeria’s international relations have become highly conscious of the reciprocal need to transform this intensive relationship into a mutually constructive one, that is towards the promotion of a more symmetrical relationship. This article, using dependency approach, demonstrates that these disparities actually account for the sharp differences in the outcomes of the bilateral trade and the level of development in the two countries. It also draws some vital lessons not only for Nigeria but also for other sub-Saharan African countries to learn from China in terms of the approach to economic reforms and development experience.<br />The study seeks also to identify the crucial aspects of Nigeria-China bilateral interactions, assess the receptivity to the Chinese penetration of the Nigerian economy and the changing perspectives on the viability of the bilateral relations.</p> SO Udeala Copyright (c) 2014-01-14 2014-01-14 13 1-3 61 88 10.4314/ajia.v13i1-3. Avoiding the Oil Curse in Ghana: Is Transparency Sufficient? <p>This article assesses measures put in place by the government of Ghana to manage Ghana’s newly found oil. It uncovers two actors – the people in the ‘oil communities’ and the oil companies – that have been ‘forgotten’ by the government and yet are critical to unlocking the so-called ‘oil blessing’. It is argued that the existing policies do not sufficiently account for the peculiar needs of the communities in which oil will be drilled. The existing policy paradigm implies that the activities of the oil companies might set in motion corrupt practices among public officials and worsen the plight of the poor.</p><p><strong>Key Words</strong>: Oil, poor, curse, corruption, Ghana, activism.</p> F Obeng-Odoom Copyright (c) 2014-01-14 2014-01-14 13 1-3 89 120 10.4314/ajia.v13i1-3. United States Foreign Policy and the Second Liberian Civil War After about three years following the end of its first civil war in 1996, Liberia was again plunged into another civil war, when the Liberian United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD), a group of rebels, attacked the country from neighbouring Guinea. The efforts by the Taylor regime to repel the attack occasioned a full-scale war. Initially, the war was confined to the western and north-western portions of the country. But, by early 2003, LURD’s forces had advanced to the outskirts of Monrovia, the capital city. For the initial four years of the war, the United States displayed a nonchalant attitude. This was because Liberia was no longer of any strategic value to the US. Also, given the adversarial relationship between the Taylor regime and Washington, the latter thus had no empathy for the former. However, amid the escalation of the war and its attendant adverse consequences, especially the death of hundreds of civilians, ECOWAS, the AU, the EU, the UN and various actors within the American domestic setting, including Liberian Diaspora Groups, pressured the Bush administration to join the efforts to end the carnage. Consequently, the Bush administration obliged. After an ECOWAS-brokered agreement that led to the resignation of President Taylor and his subsequent departure to Nigeria in exile, the United States intervened by supporting ECOWAS’ peacekeeping operation. Against this backdrop, this article has interrelated purposes. First, it examines the nature and dynamics of American intervention in the second Liberian civil war. Second, it discusses the impact of the American intervention on the civil war. Third, it maps out the emerging trajectory of US– Liberia relations in the post-Taylor era. Fourth, it proffers ways of rethinking the relationship so that it would be mutually beneficial. GK Kieh Copyright (c) 2014-01-14 2014-01-14 13 1-3 121 144 10.4314/ajia.v13i1-3.