Small pelagic marine fisheries for food sovereignty? The case of the dagaa fishery at three coastal sites in Tanzania

To implement effective ocean governance, development of policies and management strategies needs to incorporate input from communities that will be impacted by the decisions. People engaging in small-scale fisheries and aqua-culture mobilize themselves in anticipation of various challenges, for example, food sovereignty. Food sovereignty is the right for people to access healthy and culturally appropriate food that is produced through ecologically sound and sustainable methods. Little attention has been paid to documenting and understanding the struggles and efforts of small-scale fishers to ensure their own food sovereignty. In the Western Indian Ocean region, and Tanzania in particular, there has been a limited number of initiatives among coastal fishers that seek to transform food systems. To better understand these initiatives, this study was designed to examine collective actions undertaken in pursuit of food sovereignty among small pelagic fishers at three landing sites on the coast of Tanzania. Collection of primary data involved a survey of 206 individuals, 25 key informant interviews, 3 focus group discussions and participant observation. Secondary data was also collected from official fisheries records and published materials to supplement the primary data. The study revealed limited current capacity of the small pelagic fisheries to satisfy local demand of fish for food security and sovereignty purposes due to increased fish trade supplying markets beyond the study sites. The prospects of satisfying an increasing fish demand from existing production systems are limited. Small pelagic fisheries need to be linked to the global food system through appropriate mechanisms to allow them to contribute meaningfully to food security and sovereignty.


Introduction
Fishing and fisheries associated activities are important on many fronts (Herrón et al., 2019): providing fish for food and nutrition security (Villasante et al., 2022), income (March and Failler, 2022), employment (Okafor-Yarwood et al., 2022) and sustaining livelihoods (FAO, 2020). Recently, there has been an effort to integrate fisheries into ocean governance strategies and blue economy growth without compromising the health status and sustainability of the ecosystems supporting them (Ayilu et al., 2022;Cohen et al., 2019).
Fisheries are diverse, including for example large and small pelagics, inshore, reef, estuarine and riverine fisheries, and management needs to be adapted for the specific fishery and people involved in it.
Small pelagic fisheries constitute a large share of fish landings and drive production in the marine sector (March and Failler, 2022;McClatchie et al., 2018;Sekadende et al., 2020;Stephenson and Smedbol, 2019). The small pelagic fishery is one of the most challenging marine sectors to manage because of the widespread fishing effort and open access into the fishery, and the fact that a large proportion of coastal communities are dependent on this fishery for food, employment and income (Cushing et al., 2019).
However, a lack of appropriate storage and processing facilities causes post-harvest losses, creating a problem for the overall supply and access of fish for food, especially for poor households (Akande and Diei-Ouadi, 2010).
The marine fisheries sector in the Western Indian Ocean (WIO) region plays a significant role in the development of coastal economies (Obura et al., 2017). Although precise data is still lacking, best estimates indicate that more than 25 million people in the WIO region could be directly or indirectly dependent on artisanal fisheries for their livelihoods (Taylor et al., 2019). In 1997, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) declared that the WIO had great fisheries potential, but since then the total landings appear to have leveled off, despite an increase in fishing effort (Groeneveld, 2016). This decline has been attributed to several factors, including increasing competition for dwindling stocks, excessive and destructive fishing methods ( Jury et al., 2010;Silas et al., 2020). In particular, excessive and destructive fishing methods result in habitat destruction and high levels of by-catch and discards, which has led to a decline of marine resources and biodiversity in the region (UNEP-Nairobi Convention and WIOMSA, 2015). This situation has put the livelihoods and food security of more than 25 million people living in the coastal areas of the region at risk .
Marine fisheries in most WIO countries are composed of artisanal and small-scale fisheries (Palmer et al., 2021), predominately in inshore waters. Habitats such as coral reef, mangrove creeks, seagrass beds, and sand banks are where most fishing efforts are concentrated ( Jiddawi and Öhman, 2002;Robertson et al., 2018). Fishers also fish further offshore in search of small and large pelagics, as well as tuna and tunalike species. Small pelagic fish commonly captured in WIO countries include species of sardine, anchovy and mackerel (Sekadende et al., 2020). Other diverse species are caught depending on where fishing takes place and oceanographic characteristics Kizenga et al., 2021).
Attempts to regulate fishing in the WIO region through the implementation of marine protected areas and gear restrictions, are beset with challenges (Mwaipopo et al., 2010;Vousden and Stapley, 2013). These challenges include a lack of sufficient scientific data and expertise, which are complicated by economic and socio-political realities (Ochiewo, 2015). Fisheries statistics such as catch, the number of fishing vessels and fishers are limited in most WIO countries (Kadagi et al., 2021). Tanzania and other countries make use of fisheries frame surveys that provide fisheries statistics but these are not conducted regularly due to financial constraints. The regional State of the Coast Report for the WIO (UNEP-Nairobi Convention and WIOMSA, 2015) states that nearly all the countries in the region cannot adequately assess their marine resources and lack the financial capacity and technical expertise to manage them effectively. The lack of reliable data, analytical capacity and advice presents a barrier to decision making. Knowledge of the stock status, trends, potential productivity of a stock, and socio-economic implications of the fishery, is vital to the design of responsible fisheries management interventions and sound policy making yet many of the fisheries stocks have not been assessed (Obura et al., 2017).
National fisheries institutes in some WIO countries have been mandated to collect routine fisheries data but this data is frequently underutilized or of poor quality. Records are sometimes misplaced, or the data is inaccurately captured, with no means of validating its authenticity due to the lack of an efficient digital data transmission system (Robertson et al., 2018;Robertson and Midway, 2019). Thus, even though data exists, it will often remain unused. The analysis of the data may also be based on inappropriate metrics and methods, which hinder the formulation of relevant policies for the sector.
Available information suggests that small pelagic fish make up the largest proportion of fish caught in the WIO and contribute to the largest proportion of employment in the WIO's fisheries sector (Sekadende et al., 2020). Estimates indicate that nearly one-third of marine fish catch in Tanzania are comprised of small pelagic fish (Breuil and Bodiguel, 2015;MLF, 2020). However, some scholars argue that the landings have been largely underestimated and that most stocks lack scientific assessment.
In the WIO region, small pelagic fish are predominately caught using locally made fishing vessels and different gear types and offer diverse benefits to local communities (Kizenga et al., 2021;Sekadende et al., 2020). For example, in Tanzania, this fishery plays a significant role in food security and nutrition and creates over 8,000 employment opportunities for people directly engaged in small pelagic fishing and ancillary activities (MLF, 2020 (Ibengwe et al., 2022).
The size of the catch from small pelagic fisheries is also reported to have increased in recent years (MLF, 2020). For example, in Zanzibar, catch of small pelagic fish has increased to 13,000 tonnes, according to the 2020 statistics (Ministry of Blue Economy and Fisheries, 2021). In mainland Tanzania, fish landings for small pelagics totaled 7,690 tonnes in 2011 and 8,053 tonnes in 2020 (MLF, 2020). Despite its large contribution to annual landings and being an important source of food, the current economic performance of small pelagic fisheries is believed to be far lower than could be possible given the available resources in Tanzania. There are records of initiatives that have recently taken place to safeguard fisheries from further decline (Andriesse et al., 2022). One of these initiatives includes prioritizing the development of a management plan for small marine pelagic fisheries. The outcome of this includes a recent initiative by WWF Tanzania Marine Programme to develop a local area management strategy to guide the management and sustainable use of the small pelagics through the established Collaborative Fisheries Management Areas in the Rufiji/Mafia/Kilwa (RUMAKI) seascape. An ocean governance framework that promotes sustainable fisheries management and incorporates the needs of local stakeholders, is essential to maintain fisheries and their roles in food security and sovereignty.
Coastal fisheries in Tanzania have been managed through the licensing of fishers and vessels, marine fishery management plan, and input and output controls. Inadequate information of fishery resources and associated value chains hampers understanding of the role of small pelagic fisheries in improving food and nutrition security, as well as promoting food sovereignty. The aim of this study was therefore to investigate how small pelagic fisheries, particularly for sardine (i.e., dagaa in local Franca), add to the overall food status and sovereignty. Achieving a better understanding of the ways through which small pelagics contribute to food sovereignty in small-scale fisheries is essential in enhancing science-based advice to fisheries management (Arthur et al., 2022). It would also provide information for policy makers to plan and put policies in place to prevent future degradation of marine resources.

Study area
The study focused on three landing sites located in three coastal districts in Tanzania in and around these sites is relatively greater than in many regions of Tanzania (MLF, 2020). However, fish and fishery product consumption in mainland Tanzania is below the world and sub-Saharan Africa average (Ochiewo, 2015).

Data collection
A survey was administered to 206 individuals (Table   1)  understanding on the journey of small pelagic fishes from boat to consumers, key actors in the supply chain of these fishes, management and institutional issues related to small pelagic fisheries, and the role small pelagic fisheries play in the contribution of food consumed by the local households. The use of follow-up questions made it easy for the informants to relate their experiences of small-pelagic fisheries to the overall fisheries activities. Researchers also interviewed stakeholders to ascertain the current status of small pelagic fisheries including utilization, processing, trade, marketing, management and food value. Key informants were interviewed where they preferred, including their homes or private settings in landing sites, and in some cases, at local offices such as BMU offices. Interviews lasted between 40 and 60 minutes. All informants gave oral consent prior to the interviews. As in the questionnaire survey, Kiswahili language was used during key informant interviews. As the majority of key informants were not comfortable for the interviews to be recorded, notes were taken instead.
One focus group discussion including 6 to 10 participants was organized in each of the three study sites.
The aim of the discussion was to compliment and verify information from the surveys and key informant interviews. Participants were drawn from stakeholders engaged in small pelagic fisheries. Priority was given to women participants to ensure coverage of their concerns and knowledge. The focus group discussion lasted between 50 and 70 minutes.

Data analysis
As described by Braun and Clarke (2006), the study made use of thematic analysis to identify patterns of meaning in line with the research objectives. Quotations from key informants and focus group discussions were labelled but participants were given pseudonyms. Confidentiality was one of the requirements for ethics clearance. All completed surveys were entered into MS Excel and then converted to SPSS for data analysis.

Results
Socio-demographic characteristics of survey respondents Table 1 provides socio-demographic characteristics of the survey respondents. Of the 206 respondents, the majority were male (80 %) and 20 % were female.
All respondents participated in diverse livelihood activities including fishing, trade, farming and other sea-based activities such as processing and transporting of fish.

Consumption of small pelagic fishes
A variety of names were used for small pelagic fish species in the responses during the survey. Most of the names were local/vernacular such as dagaa mchele, dagaa papa, dagaa lumbuga, dagaa vibua, and dagaa. Key informants, especially fisheries officials, as well as scientists knowledgeable of the fisheries commonly found in the study sites were consulted to clarify ambiguity   to fishing gears and vessels. According to informants, it is not easy to identify the origin of these small pelagic fishes given that some could be brought from fishing grounds located in northern Mozambique and sold at local landing sites. This was also noted by one key informant in Kivinje:

It is clear that there is fish deficit. Fishers are poor, cannot access loans to purchase big fishing nets and motorized boat. They [government] see us dependent on dagaa, but no help has been channeled to improve dagaa fishery. […]
you may think that they feel dagaa is not a preferred fish, but this is our food and also, we make money to cover our needs from it (KII18_140819) Over 80 % of survey respondents mentioned that small pelagic fish landed are destined for human consumption. A few respondents (8 %) were aware of the use of small fishes for producing fishmeal. When asked if they knew or have heard about a fishmeal and fish oil industry along the coast, the answer was no.
During focus group discussions in Sahare, in Tanga, some participants were aware of fish feed producing industries located in Dar es Salaam but there was uncertainty.

I know one industry; I forget the name but is located in
Mbezi beach area. I heard that they buy sardines from lake to produce fishmeal. I have never heard or seen any trader here buying sardines with the intention of selling to such industries. It could be, but I have no proof

(FGD3_281219)
When asked about price of small pelagics relative to other fish species, the majority of respondents (54 %) indicated that most often fish like dagaa would be cheaper than finfish such as king fish, emperor, tuna, barracuda and other large fish. This too was noted by one key informant who explained that it is common to see women buying dagaa and selling them elsewhere in small piles for approximately Tsh 1,000-2,000 (US$ 0.4-0.8 as of 2021 exchange rate). There is often a profit margin, as reported during focus group discussions, when these women sell processed dagaa.
Interestingly, key informants said that when large fishes are available at lower prices, people prefer them. Many respondents (Table 2) were pessimistic with regard to whether actions would be put in place to ensure better performance of small pelagic fisheries for both food security and sovereignty.   (2) Financial and technical support to groups of small pelagic fisheries would improve their production efficiency 48.54% (100) 27.18% (56) 4.85% (10) 12.62% (26) 6.80% (14) Fisheries governance initiatives will succeed to safeguard the interest of small pelagic fisheries 3.40% (7) 14.56% (30)  Seasonality has also its own role, suppose you dry dagaa during bumper season, who are you expecting will buy them? Only fresh will suit customers" (FGD3_281219)

Demand for small pelagic fish as food
Fresh fish are preferred but participants of discussion groups agreed that dried and fried fish are also consumed. The majority of survey respondents said that the diversity of small fish species in their diet is low compared to the past 10-20 years (Fig. 3). Processed fisheries products, such as smoked small fish, were rare.
In one discussion, it was learned that smoking these types of fish is uncommon given taste preferences and that smoking dagaa without spoilage can be difficult.    from key informants revealed that the attitude of local residents towards fish consumption was positive and they have a good understanding on the importance of fish food for their nutritional requirements and health.

Level of fishing effort for small pelagic fishes
A review of secondary sources, including annual government fisheries reports, showed that the current levels of fishing in many coastal areas is unsustainable (MLF, 2020). However, the status of small pelagic species is not well understood (Anderson and Samoilys, 2016;Mwaipopo and Mahongo, 2020). Despite contributing an important source of livelihoods and food security, few catch statistics clearly showed the levels of effort for small pelagics.
More than 90 % of survey respondents ranked fishing as the primary occupation of people in the study sites.
Focus group discussions and interactions during field work revealed few opportunities for the residents to engage in other economic sectors. A discussion held at Sahare indicated that fishing effort is increasing and the current management approach (i.e., licensing and prohibiting gear and vessels) has not been able to curtail this increase. Sixty percent of respondents said that fishers go fishing on average two days per week. Most engage in the ring net or purse seine fishery which mainly target small pelagic fish. They work mainly as crew members because they cannot afford to buy their own fishing gear and vessels. Most of these fishers lack access to financial services and are not organized into groups that could be easily connected to donors and funding schemes. One key informant explained that a ring net fishing crew may attract up to 70 people, suggesting a high level of fishing effort in unrestricted fishing grounds. The rapid increase in fishing effort does not, however, seem to be satisfying an increasing demand from existing production: With these gears and vessels, where efficiency is low,

Losses of small pelagic fish products
Across the three study sites survey respondents were interviewed to examine their understanding on fish product losses occurring from boat to consumers.
In most instances, survey respondents and discussion participants explained that the small pelagic fishery experienced losses caused by spoilage during the season where the catch is high. The main causes were associated with limited or absence of processing capacity and methods that could adapt to significantly increased volume of catch. The other obvious loss mentioned during focus group discussions and interviews was attributed to discoloration, which according to 50 % of survey respondents happens when fishes are dried in the rainy season. Awareness of fish product losses and their associated economic and ecological impacts was high among survey respondents. Nearly 60 % of respondents agreed that they have experienced one type of post-harvest loss ( Fig. 4) whereas 45 % were able to mention the causes of the losses.   The research found few initiatives in place to transform these methods and support the transition to modern processing methods.

Discussion
The present study discovered an increasing number of people participating in small pelagic fisheries using rudimentary fishing gears and vessels in Tanzania.
The catch is either consumed locally or transported to different markets, including across the border to DRC, Zambia and Kenya (Ibengwe et al., 2022). Following the decline in fish resources, small pelagic fishes, especially dagaa, is now seen as an affordable fish for the majority of poor households in coastal Tanzania and beyond. Yet, few initiatives have been developed to modernize the fisheries sector, and improve efficiency. The existing small pelagic fisheries in Tanzania do not seem to satisfy the demand and is influenced by lower prices and availability and a growing number of consumers and markets. This poses problems for food and nutrition security and hinders the prosperity of the sector to develop food sovereignty which goes beyond food security to include culture, knowledge systems and ecosystem dynamics.
Other regions of the world have increased their food sovereignty through improvement in their fisheries sector. These include movements to improve food supply chains to support household consumption of fish and sales of fish to earn income (Levkoe et al., 2017). Emphasis has also been put on acknowledging the origin of fisheries products through certification (Bellchambers et al., 2016;Nyiawung et al., 2021).  (Ibengwe et al., 2022). In regions where government fisheries initiatives have succeeded, e.g., Asia Pacific, to safeguard the interests of the small pelagic fisheries, their role in food security and sovereignty has grown (Ba et al., 2017;Cook et al., 2021;Tezzo et al., 2021).
In Tanzania (Palm et al., 2021). However, FAD projects are not a long-term ecosystem approach to sustainable management given their shortcomings such as scarcity of required expertise, high cost of equipment, attraction of illegal fishers (Onyango et al., 2021) as well as the lack of planning, monitoring and research needed to understand and fulfill their potential in nearshores (Bell et al., 2015).
In this study, fishers prefer to sell their catch for financial gain, leaving the poor where fishing is taking place with limited access to fish or, when fish is available, unaffordable prices. Governance mechanisms could be put in place to support local communities, for instance prohibiting large sales to hinterland markets during low fishing seasons. These communities lack alternatives and eventually are forced to change their dietary needs, as seen in recent years where they opt for vegetables and beans instead of fish. This contributes to their food security but compromises the idea of small pelagic fish for food sovereignty. The economic value of small pelagic fishes in Tanzania is hidden by unrecorded 'export' of these fishes, to common markets in DRC and other countries. These fishes are transported 'illegally' to various areas, crossing borders without proper permits. The lack of data on this trade limits the actual recorded economic value of the fishery but indicates possibilities for expanding the incomes of fishers and traders of these species, which is one step toward food sovereignty.
It is important that any approach aimed at strengthening food sources, as with pelagic fisheries in this case, is set within the locally specific context, and that it recognizes the dynamic nature of food sources, as any number of complex factors are likely to impede the success of the approach. In order to identify interventions that will help to achieve sustainable food systems, an understanding is first needed of the existing context in which people exist (Arthur et al., 2022). We need to understand how poor coastal communities are responding to pressures on their food security and livelihoods, how they are engaging with the coastal environment and what drives their livelihood choices. This information is the foundation on which we can then work with communities to sustainably enhance ocean governance policies that improve their livelihood opportunities whilst not degrading the coastal environment.
Limited data on the production and consumption of small pelagic fishes was a main limitation of this study.
The study has relied on recording the perspective of respondents in interviews and focus group discussions as well as the extrapolation of information from the limited reports and research available. Future studies need to focus on specific species of small pelagic fish and trace the value chain from production to consumption as a way to examine who will consume these fish in future. Furthermore, governance frameworks and policy recommendations for improving the role of fish in food security need to be streamlined in the current and potential fisheries management strategies. Barriers to the performance of the small pelagic fishery, including poor growth in the overall fisheries sector, should receive policy attention and prioritization in research.

Conclusions
It is evident that the existing production and marketing channels for marine small pelagic fishes in Tanzania are inadequate to promote food security and sovereignty. Urgent measures are required including integrating fisheries in the overall food production systems. Transformation in small scale fisheries is also important for creating a supportive environment for small scale fishers to be self-sufficient from the fish they catch. It became evident that the majority of people engaging in the small pelagic fish production chain lacked the skills to take the fishery forward on their own and that there was a need to support the process. There is a need to support small pelagic fisheries operations including processing, packaging, transportation, from skills development to business planning, and the development of markets. This requires long term commitment from both the public and private sector. Most of the fishing units in the small pelagic fishery are generally small enterprises and these require an initial capital investment or startup cost. Many fishers do not have access to micro-credit services to finance these initial costs.
For small pelagic fisheries in Tanzania to contribute to satisfying current demand of fish there is a need to support the development of skills to run these enterprises with relevant technical and financial management skills. There has been a lack of support to move the small pelagic fishery from a subsistence activity to a profitable economic opportunity for communities.
Improving working conditions of fishers engaged in small pelagic fisheries as well as creating a favourable environment to support their activities would promote the role of this fishery in food sovereignty.