Die gebruik van Afrikaanse modale partikels deur voormalige Khoisprekers1

  • C Jac Conradie

Abstract

Die doel van die ondersoek is om te bepaal watter bydrae sprekers of voormalige sprekers van Khoi wat Afrikaans as taal aangeneem het tot die ontwikkeling of gebruik van modale partikels in Afrikaans gelewer het. Bronne wat vir hierdie doel ondersoek is, sluit in aangehaalde uitsprake van Khoi-Khoin uit die laat 17de en vroeg-18de eeu, twee briewe van Khoi-Khoin, ‘n onderhoud met ‘n Khoi-Khoi soos vryelik weergegee deur C.E. Boniface, koerantbriewe deur persone wat hulle as Khoi-Khoin voorgedoen het, ‘n kort drama, die novelle Benigna van Groenekloof of Mamre en ander geskrifte met ‘n Genadendal-agtergrond, ‘n uittreksel uit die dagboek van Hendrik Witbooi, transkripsies van onderhoude wat in die 1980s met Griekwas gevoer is en enkele onderhoude wat in Namakwaland gevoer is. As kontrolekorpus is transkripsies van spontane gesprekke gebruik wat ook in die 1980s in Johannesburg opgeneem is en die standaardtaal verteenwoordig, asook Adam Small se drama Kanna hy ko’ hystoe om die variëteit Kaapse Afrikaans te verteenwoordig. As ons na die grootste bronne kyk, dan blyk dit dat mos verreweg die  meeste voorgekom het in tekste met spreektaalkenmerke, met name almal in die onderhoudregister, en dat tog veral sterk staan in oorredende tekste met sterk Nederlandse invloed of konteks. Sommer, maar en darem is ander partikels wat geredelik gebruik is. Die Kanna-drama wyk van die Khoi-Khoinbronne en die kontrolekorpus af deur ‘n relatief hoë voorkoms van darem. As ons onderskei tussen  Nederlandsverwante partikels soos eintlik, maar en tog, enersyds, en tipies Afrikaanse partikels soos  darem, mos en rêrig, dan blyk dit dat eersgenoemdes oorwegend voorkom in Benigna en die  kontrolekorpus, en laasgenoemdes oorwegend in die ander Khoi-Khoinbronne en Kanna. Die  Griekwakorpus verskil van die kontrolekorpus deur die hoë frekwensie van die kollokasie mos nou by eersgenoemde teenoor die hoë frekwensie van maar net en nou maar in laasgenoemde. ‘n Aantal partikels is ook individueel of in samehang met mekaar ondersoek. Die partikel ja kom byvoorbeeld in ‘n hele aantal vroeë aanhalings van Khoi-Khoin-uitings voor, en kan moontlik ‘n funksionele voorloper van immers, mos of tog wees, wat ongeveer in dieselfde semantiese veld val. In Benigna en ander bronne uit dieselfde  sfeer, wil dit voorkom asof darem nog nie ten volle van daarom gedifferensieer is nie. Daar is aanduidings dat sommer verder van Nederlands zo maar ontwikkel het as fokuspartikel en in emotiewe rigting. Ander partikels wat bespreek word, is maskie, reg(t), juist, kamma, hoeka en netnou. Samevattend kan gestel word dat voormalige Khoisprekers te oordeel na gebruiksfrekwensie en die gebruik van tipies Afrikaanse partikels, ‘n deurslaggewende rol gespeel het in die ontwikkeling van Afrikaanse modale partikels.  Sleutelwoorde: modale partikels, Afrikaans, Kaapse Afrikaans, Nederlands, Duits, Khoi, Khoi-Khoin, kollokasies, spreektaal

The use of Afrikaans modal particles by former Khoi speakers


The purpose of this study is to determine the nature of the contribution made by previous speakers of Khoi who adopted Afrikaans as language to the development or use of modal particles in Afrikaans. Sources studied for this purpose include quoted utterances by Khoikhoin from the late 17th and early 18th century, two letters by Khoikhoin, an interview with a Khoikhoi freely rendered by C.E. Boniface, letters written to newspapers by persons professing to be Khoikhoin, a short play, the novella Benigna van Groenekloof of Mamre and other writings with a Genadendal background, an excerpt from the diary of Hendrik Witbooi, transcriptions of interviews conducted with Griqua in the 1980s and a small number of interviews  conducted in Namaqualand. Transcriptions of spontaneous conversations representing the standard  language recorded in Johannesburg in the 1980s served as a control, while Adam Small‘s drama Kanna hy ko’ hystoe was added to represent the variety of ―Kaapse Afrikaans‖. If we look at the major texts, it would seem that mos was by far the most frequent particle in sources representing colloquial language, viz. in the interview register, while tog was particularly well represented in persuasive texts with marked Dutch influence or context. Sommer, maar and darem are particles which were also frequently used. The Kanna source departs from the Khoikhoin sources and the control corpus by a having a relatively high  occurrence of darem. If we draw a distinction between Dutch related particles such as eintlik, maar and tog, on the one hand, and typically Afrikaans particles such as darem, mos and rêrig, then it appears that particles of the first kind are predominant in Benigna and the control corpus, while particles of the latter kind predominate in the other Khoikhoin sources and Kanna. The Griqua corpus differs from the control corpus in having a particularly high frequency of the collocation mos nou as opposed to the high  frequencies of maar nou and nou maar in the latter. A number of particles were studied individually or in relation to one another. The particle ja occurs in a substantial number of the early quotations of Khoikhoin utterances, and may be a functional precursor of immers, mos or tog, which fall roughly in the same semantic field. In Benigna and other sources from the same background it would seem that darem has not been fully differentiated from daarom. There are indications that sommer has extended its scope from Dutch zo maar towards becoming a focus particle and in an emotive direction. Other particles to be discussed are maskie, reg(t), juist, kamma, hoeka and netnou.In sum, it seems clear the former Khoi speakers, judging by frequency of usage and the use of typically Afrikaans particles, have played a crucial part in the development of Afrikaans modal particles.


Keywords: modal particles, Afrikaans, Kaapse Afrikaans, Dutch, German, Khoi, Khoi-Khoin, collocations, colloquial language

Published
2016-04-08
Section
Articles

Journal Identifiers


eISSN: 2224-3380